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INCARCERATING A GENERATION

Incarceration of a People
The disproportionate numbers of African Americans in the prison system is a very serious
issue, which is not usually discussed in its totality. However, it is quite important to
address the matter because it ultimately will have an effect on African Americans as a
whole. 
Of the many tribulations that plague Americans today, the increase in the amount of
African American men and women in prisons is unbelievable. It would be naive to say that
the increase is due to the fact that more African Americans are committing crimes now
than before. When in actuality it has very prevalent connections to a systematic plan to
incarcerate a race of people by creating harsh drug laws to imprison mostly African
American, non-violent drug offenders. Since these drug laws were enforced strictly,
African Americans have filled our prison systems in outstanding numbers. Consequently
causing an overcrowded prison. Private companies, which contain private contracts with
the prison, use the inmates as a source of free or cheap labor. One may ask themselves,
"Is this ethical?" Absolutely not. They allow the public to believe that it is beneficial
because has no expense to tax payers, however the only real benefit is to the company
itself. The company has managed to attain free or cheap labor while simultaneously
increasing their net profits. 
When the values of a people and the ethics of a country are systematically broken down,
one begins to ponder about why the preposterous numbers are what they are. African
Americans constitute about half of the prison inmates when they only make up about 13% of
the United States population. There are many speculations as to why this is so. Some
blame poverty or lack of opportunity. Others say police concentrate on poor urban areas
"because street crimes such as drug dealing are more visible and residents there require
more police protection."
In 1950 whites made up 65% of all state and federal inmates, while blacks made up only
35%. Today, the opposite is true with 35% of the prison population made up of whites.
Specialists have speculated that by the end of the year 2000, roughly one million African
American adults will be behind bars. That will constitute for almost one in every 14
black men being in jail. And as of December 31, 1999 there were 1,366,721 African
American men and women under federal and state jurisdiction. This implies that there has
been a 3.4% increase since December 1,1998. "The face of crime to white America is now
that of a black man" says David Bositis, Center for Political and Economic Studies,
senior political analyst. While incarceration statistics have skyrocketed, crime rates
have increased much more slowly. Politicians sought out political points by enforcing
tough on crime laws. By doing this the politicians increase public panic by portraying
the "urban underclass" as young black males. 
The Prison Industrial Complex
The Prison Industrial Complex can be described as a contract or lease from a private
corporation that allows them to contract convict labor. The government argues that they
are merely converting public tax money when in reality it has only provided profit for
private corporations. It serves two purposes. The first is to neutralize a portion of the
population and the other is to continue exploiting areas where mainly African American
prisoners are prevalent. Since private contracts have come into play, there has been an
increase in the number of prisoners and an increase in imprisonment costs. 
The prison industrial complex is not only made up of a set of interest groups, it is also
a very manipulative way of thinking. The money hungry corporations are corrupting
Americans criminal justice system leading the public to believe that the prisoners are
providing a service. When in fact they are increasing their own profits.
A prime example of the prison industrial complex can be observed in major cities such as
California Texas, Tennessee and New York where private prison countries have thrived and
trends have reached extremes. The United States of America is making money in our prison
systems off the back of African Americans. Economically, prison stocks are doing pretty
well on the stock market. This very well could be a reason why politicians are pushing
for the privatization of the prison systems. A newspaper article dated December 28, 1861
presented the similarities between the government then and now. The article basically
describes that African Americans were being incarcerated in record numbers similar to
that which is happening presently. It also states that free slaves living in the capital
were often jailed under the suspect of having been run away slaves. They were kept in
prison for a term of one year, where upon release they were required to pay a fee or be
sold back into slavery. Finally, congress was forced to intervene because innocent
African Americans were being incarcerated and resold into slavery in record numbers.
Quote from that member in congress, " We last week alluded to the revelation which have
been made in Washington, of the confinement of the Negroes in that city, for no other
cause than their color. Under laws derogatory of the spirit of the age, in violation of
the percepts of Christianity and preeminently disgraceful to the fame of the nations
capitol". The matter was brought before congress and a general McClellan was to arrest
all persons who may attempt to imprison blacks on the grounds of there being fugitives.
The prison industrial complex also had a political connection as far back as the early
1970's. In January 1973, then governor of New York, Nelson Rockefeller gave an address
demanding that every illegal drug dealer be punished with a mandatory prison sentence of
life without parole. Rockefeller demonstrated his "commitment" to the state of New York
by proposing the harshest drug laws in the United States. Governor Rockefeller argued not
only that drug dealers be imprisoned for life but also that plea-bargaining should be
forbidden in such cases and that even juvenile offenders should receive life sentences.
Rockefeller drug laws, which were enacted a few months later, were quite severe. The
penalty for possessing four ounces of an illegal drug or for selling two ounces was a
mandatory sentence of 15 years to life. These new for=und laws also included a provision
that established a mandatory prison system for many second felony convictions, regardless
of the crime or its circumstances. Meanwhile, Rockefeller proudly states he enacted the
"toughest drug crime laws in the country". It was not until the Anti-drug abuse act was
incorporated in 1986 won the campaign to revive federal mandatory minimums. Nelson
Rockefeller set in New York a shift in national sentencing policies, but since he became
b=Vice President a year in a half later he did not have to deal with its consequences. 
In 1984, Mario Cuomo was elected governor of New York state government was in bad
condition. The inmate population had more than doubled since the passage of the
Rockefeller drug laws and the prison systems in the United States were dangerously
overcrowded. Although Cuomo was a liberal who opposed mandatory minimum drug sentences
President Ronald Reagan had just launched the war on drugs; it was not the best time to
go against mainstream America. Cuomo, unable to repeal the Rockefeller drug laws left no
choice but to build more prisons. Building these prisons however would require money. In
1981, New York voters defeated a $500 million bond issue for a new prison construction.
The only alternate source of financing this construction would be to use the states Urban
Development Corporation funds to build the prisons. This corporation was a public agency
created in 1968 to build housing for the poor. Using this corporation was a means of
financing prison construction for one simple reason, it had the opportunity to issue
state bonds without gaining approval from voters.
Surprisingly, private prisons are nothing new in US history. In the mid 1800's state
legislatures awarded contracts to private entrepreneurs to operate and mange Louisianans
state prisons. Initially, these prisons were supposed to turn a profit for the state or
at least pay for themselves. The private corporations promised to control the delinquents
at no cost to the state. As the system spread, labor and businesses complained that using
unpaid convict labor constituted "unfair ethical treatment". While state officials
remained indifferent or were bought off by prison interests, prisoners suffered
malnourishment, frequent whippings, overwork and over crowdedness. 
Prison management companies and United States corporations are increasing the number they
use as a ready low cost. Prison and prisoners have become big businesses which are
keeping profits from convict labor. Unicore and Wackenhut are examples of corporations
that have privately owned and contracted prisons. Patrick Cannan, director of corporate
relations for Wackenhut argues on their behalf, "our only incentive is to show a
progressive rehabilitation model…we want to rehabilitate them." We should not
forget to recognize that these companies gross approximately $12.78 million every year.
And, without this cheap labor their company would not be as prosperous as it is. This is
where the political electives in this country begin to enforce harsh sentences for
non-violent drug offenders in order to ensure full prison and continue this trend of free
labor. The majority of the African American population in the prison system consists of
non-violent drug offenders. Thus, a highly overcrowded, largely African American,
non-violent offence, prisoners that fill our prisons providing cheap labor for large
corporations with private contracts. Businesses whose profit opportunities depend not
only on efficient management, but also upon the number of prisoners in their cells
benefit profoundly from this source of cheap and sometimes free labor. 
Another critical aspect of how the prison industrial complex keeps the labor is apparent
in the over crowding of American prisons. Correctional officials may see danger in
prisons overcrowding, but large corporations see it as opportunity. The nearly $2 million
Americans behind bars mostly non-violent drug offenders means jobs for prisoners and a
bonus for corporations. 
While incarceration statistics have skyrocketed, crime rates have increased much more
slowly. Among those arrested for violent crimes, the proportion who are African American
men have changed very little over the past twenty years. Among those arrested for drug
crimes, the proportion that are African American have tripled. Although drug abuse among
white males are approximately the same, black men are five times more likely to be
arrested for a drug offense. As a result of this, African Americans constitute about half
of the inmates here in the United States. One out of every 14 black men is likely to be
imprisoned at some point during his lifetime.
Another astonishing fact that this brings to the surface is that a large percentage of
African American men will permanently lose their right to vote if current trends
continue. In nine states, one in every four black men can never vote again because they
were convicted of a felony. In states such as Washington, felons automatically lose the
right to vote but may petition for the reinstatement of that right. This loss of voting
rights shows the decreasing political power of blacks in America.
African Americans must take action before it s too late. We must not watch helplessly as
those in power create and enforce unnecessarily harsh drug laws to breakdown our race. In
fact it is the same people in power who import drugs into our country and our
neighborhoods and distribute them in our communities. So, I urge African Americans people
to realize that the prison industrial complex is a modern day form of slavery that not
only destroys individuals, it destroys families and communities as well. If we do not
defeat it, it will defeat us.
Bibliography
**Parenti, Christian, Lockdown America (London; New York: Verso, 1999) 17-19
**Lynch, Michael J. and Patterson, Britt, Race and Criminal Justice (New York: Harrow and
Heinstien, 1991)
*Ranese, Celia "Todays Prison system vs. Yesterdays Slave System" USA TALK 13 March 1999
*Palmer, Louise "Numbers of Blacks in Prison nears 1 million" The Boston Globe Seattle
Post Intelligencer
*United States Department of Justice Bureau of Statistics: Prison Inmate Statistics,
Washington 1998
*Polowsky, Robert, "Liberal Legacy" Prison Activist Resource Center (weekly). 25
September 1998
*Smith, Phil, "Private Prisons Benefit" The Berne Collection. 1 December 1998
*Shakur, Assata, "Letter from Assata Shakur on the prison industrial complex" 25 October
1999
*Schlosser, Eric, "The Prison Industrial Complex" The Atlantic Monthly. December 1998
Vol. 282 No.6
*- Magazine or newspaper article
** - Book resource
Incarceration of a People
Ayesha Young
US Africa World
November 20, 2000
Incarceration of a People
The disproportionate numbers of African Americans in the prison system is a very serious
issue, which is not usually discussed in its totality. However, it is quite important to
address the matter because it ultimately will have an effect on African Americans as a
whole. 
Of the many tribulations that plague Americans today, the increase in the amount of
African American men and women in prisons is unbelievable. It would be naive to say that
the increase is due to the fact that more African Americans are committing crimes now
than before. When in actuality it has very prevalent connections to a systematic plan to
incarcerate a race of people by creating harsh drug laws to imprison mostly African
American, non-violent drug offenders. Since these drug laws were enforced strictly,
African Americans have filled our prison systems in outstanding numbers. Consequently
causing an overcrowded prison. Private companies, which contain private contracts with
the prison, use the inmates as a source of free or cheap labor. One may ask themselves,
"Is this ethical?" Absolutely not. They allow the public to believe that it is beneficial
because has no expense to tax payers, however the only real benefit is to the company
itself. The company has managed to attain free or cheap labor while simultaneously
increasing their net profits. 
When the values of a people and the ethics of a country are systematically broken down,
one begins to ponder about why the preposterous numbers are what they are. African
Americans constitute about half of the prison inmates when they only make up about 13% of
the United States population. There are many speculations as to why this is so. Some
blame poverty or lack of opportunity. Others say police concentrate on poor urban areas
"because street crimes such as drug dealing are more visible and residents there require
more police protection."
In 1950 whites made up 65% of all state and federal inmates, while blacks made up only
35%. Today, the opposite is true with 35% of the prison population made up of whites.
Specialists have speculated that by the end of the year 2000, roughly one million African
American adults will be behind bars. That will constitute for almost one in every 14
black men being in jail. And as of December 31, 1999 there were 1,366,721 African
American men and women under federal and state jurisdiction. This implies that there has
been a 3.4% increase since December 1,1998. "The face of crime to white America is now
that of a black man" says David Bositis, Center for Political and Economic Studies,
senior political analyst. While incarceration statistics have skyrocketed, crime rates
have increased much more slowly. Politicians sought out political points by enforcing
tough on crime laws. By doing this the politicians increase public panic by portraying
the "urban underclass" as young black males. 
The Prison Industrial Complex
The Prison Industrial Complex can be described as a contract or lease from a private
corporation that allows them to contract convict labor. The government argues that they
are merely converting public tax money when in reality it has only provided profit for
private corporations. It serves two purposes. The first is to neutralize a portion of the
population and the other is to continue exploiting areas where mainly African American
prisoners are prevalent. Since private contracts have come into play, there has been an
increase in the number of prisoners and an increase in imprisonment costs. 
The prison industrial complex is not only made up of a set of interest groups, it is also
a very manipulative way of thinking. The money hungry corporations are corrupting
Americans criminal justice system leading the public to believe that the prisoners are
providing a service. When in fact they are increasing their own profits.
A prime example of the prison industrial complex can be observed in major cities such as
California Texas, Tennessee and New York where private prison countries have thrived and
trends have reached extremes. The United States of America is making money in our prison
systems off the back of African Americans. Economically, prison stocks are doing pretty
well on the stock market. This very well could be a reason why politicians are pushing
for the privatization of the prison systems. A newspaper article dated December 28, 1861
presented the similarities between the government then and now. The article basically
describes that African Americans were being incarcerated in record numbers similar to
that which is happening presently. It also states that free slaves living in the capital
were often jailed under the suspect of having been run away slaves. They were kept in
prison for a term of one year, where upon release they were required to pay a fee or be
sold back into slavery. Finally, congress was forced to intervene because innocent
African Americans were being incarcerated and resold into slavery in record numbers.
Quote from that member in congress, " We last week alluded to the revelation which have
been made in Washington, of the confinement of the Negroes in that city, for no other
cause than their color. Under laws derogatory of the spirit of the age, in violation of
the percepts of Christianity and preeminently disgraceful to the fame of the nations
capitol". The matter was brought before congress and a general McClellan was to arrest
all persons who may attempt to imprison blacks on the grounds of there being fugitives.
The prison industrial complex also had a political connection as far back as the early
1970's. In January 1973, then governor of New York, Nelson Rockefeller gave an address
demanding that every illegal drug dealer be punished with a mandatory prison sentence of
life without parole. Rockefeller demonstrated his "commitment" to the state of New York
by proposing the harshest drug laws in the United States. Governor Rockefeller argued not
only that drug dealers be imprisoned for life but also that plea-bargaining should be
forbidden in such cases and that even juvenile offenders should receive life sentences.
Rockefeller drug laws, which were enacted a few months later, were quite severe. The
penalty for possessing four ounces of an illegal drug or for selling two ounces was a
mandatory sentence of 15 years to life. These new for=und laws also included a provision
that established a mandatory prison system for many second felony convictions, regardless
of the crime or its circumstances. Meanwhile, Rockefeller proudly states he enacted the
"toughest drug crime laws in the country". It was not until the Anti-drug abuse act was
incorporated in 1986 won the campaign to revive federal mandatory minimums. Nelson
Rockefeller set in New York a shift in national sentencing policies, but since he became
b=Vice President a year in a half later he did not have to deal with its consequences. 
In 1984, Mario Cuomo was elected governor of New York state government was in bad
condition. The inmate population had more than doubled since the passage of the
Rockefeller drug laws and the prison systems in the United States were dangerously
overcrowded. Although Cuomo was a liberal who opposed mandatory minimum drug sentences
President Ronald Reagan had just launched the war on drugs; it was not the best time to
go against mainstream America. Cuomo, unable to repeal the Rockefeller drug laws left no
choice but to build more prisons. Building these prisons however would require money. In
1981, New York voters defeated a $500 million bond issue for a new prison construction.
The only alternate source of financing this construction would be to use the states Urban
Development Corporation funds to build the prisons. This corporation was a public agency
created in 1968 to build housing for the poor. Using this corporation was a means of
financing prison construction for one simple reason, it had the opportunity to issue
state bonds without gaining approval from voters.
Surprisingly, private prisons are nothing new in US history. In the mid 1800's state
legislatures awarded contracts to private entrepreneurs to operate and mange Louisianans
state prisons. Initially, these prisons were supposed to turn a profit for the state or
at least pay for themselves. The private corporations promised to control the delinquents
at no cost to the state. As the system spread, labor and businesses complained that using
unpaid convict labor constituted "unfair ethical treatment". While state officials
remained indifferent or were bought off by prison interests, prisoners suffered
malnourishment, frequent whippings, overwork and over crowdedness. 
Prison management companies and United States corporations are increasing the number they
use as a ready low cost. Prison and prisoners have become big businesses which are
keeping profits from convict labor. Unicore and Wackenhut are examples of corporations
that have privately owned and contracted prisons. Patrick Cannan, director of corporate
relations for Wackenhut argues on their behalf, "our only incentive is to show a
progressive rehabilitation model…we want to rehabilitate them." We should not
forget to recognize that these companies gross approximately $12.78 million every year.
And, without this cheap labor their company would not be as prosperous as it is. This is
where the political electives in this country begin to enforce harsh sentences for
non-violent drug offenders in order to ensure full prison and continue this trend of free
labor. The majority of the African American population in the prison system consists of
non-violent drug offenders. Thus, a highly overcrowded, largely African American,
non-violent offence, prisoners that fill our prisons providing cheap labor for large
corporations with private contracts. Businesses whose profit opportunities depend not
only on efficient management, but also upon the number of prisoners in their cells
benefit profoundly from this source of cheap and sometimes free labor. 
Another critical aspect of how the prison industrial complex keeps the labor is apparent
in the over crowding of American prisons. Correctional officials may see danger in
prisons overcrowding, but large corporations see it as opportunity. The nearly $2 million
Americans behind bars mostly non-violent drug offenders means jobs for prisoners and a
bonus for corporations. 
While incarceration statistics have skyrocketed, crime rates have increased much more
slowly. Among those arrested for violent crimes, the proportion who are African American
men have changed very little over the past twenty years. Among those arrested for drug
crimes, the proportion that are African American have tripled. Although drug abuse among
white males are approximately the same, black men are five times more likely to be
arrested for a drug offense. As a result of this, African Americans constitute about half
of the inmates here in the United States. One out of every 14 black men is likely to be
imprisoned at some point during his lifetime.
Another astonishing fact that this brings to the surface is that a large percentage of
African American men will permanently lose their right to vote if current trends
continue. In nine states, one in every four black men can never vote again because they
were convicted of a felony. In states such as Washington, felons automatically lose the
right to vote but may petition for the reinstatement of that right. This loss of voting
rights shows the decreasing political power of blacks in America.
African Americans must take action before it s too late. We must not watch helplessly as
those in power create and enforce unnecessarily harsh drug laws to breakdown our race. In
fact it is the same people in power who import drugs into our country and our
neighborhoods and distribute them in our communities. So, I urge African Americans people
to realize that the prison industrial complex is a modern day form of slavery that not
only destroys individuals, it destroys families and communities as well. If we do not
defeat it, it will defeat us.
Bibliography
**Parenti, Christian, Lockdown America (London; New York: Verso, 1999) 17-19
**Lynch, Michael J. and Patterson, Britt, Race and Criminal Justice (New York: Harrow and
Heinstien, 1991)
*Ranese, Celia "Todays Prison system vs. Yesterdays Slave System" USA TALK 13 March 1999
*Palmer, Louise "Numbers of Blacks in Prison nears 1 million" The Boston Globe Seattle
Post Intelligencer
*United States Department of Justice Bureau of Statistics: Prison Inmate Statistics,
Washington 1998
*Polowsky, Robert, "Liberal Legacy" Prison Activist Resource Center (weekly). 25
September 1998
*Smith, Phil, "Private Prisons Benefit" The Berne Collection. 1 December 1998
*Shakur, Assata, "Letter from Assata Shakur on the prison industrial complex" 25 October
1999
*Schlosser, Eric, "The Prison Industrial Complex" The Atlantic Monthly. December 1998
Vol. 282 No.6
*- Magazine or newspaper article
** - Book resource
Incarceration of a People
Ayesha Young
US Africa World
November 20, 2000

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