FREE ESSAY ON THE UNITED STATES AT THE PARIS PEACE CONFERENCE

THE UNITED STATES AT THE PARIS PEACE CONFERENCE

The United States at the Paris Peace Conference
The First World War had lasting effects on almost every aspect of our society. Empires
and monarchies collapsed, democracy began to rise, capitalism was affected, and inflation
resulted from the cost of war. It became apparent that an agreement must be reached which
would clearly outline the steps necessary to repair the damages done by the war. Even
more importantly, a method must be devised which would, in theory, prevent such a
horrific war from occurring ever again. The Paris Peace Conference was held in the winter
of 1919, predominantly at the infamous Palace of Versailles, and was intended to realize
these goals. 
Twenty-seven nations were present at the Conference, although only four of these
countries had a true voice in the matter at hand. These four countries, the Great Powers,
were Italy, France, England, and the United States. Represented by Vittorio Orlando,
Georges Clemenceau, David Lloyd George, and Woodrow Wilson, respectively, these men held
the vast majority of power and influence present at the Conference. President Wilson
represented the United States at Versailles. He believed that World War I should end in a
treaty based on democracy rather than on politics of power, and he was present to see to
it that the Treaty of Versailles was written accordingly. Wilson embodied the success of
the democratic, liberal, progressive and nationalistic movements of the past century, and
represented what society wished for the future.
His idealistic views and goals for the reparation of society were made evident through
his presence at the Conference, as well as 
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through the plans that he brought with him. In a talk with newspaperman R.J. Bender of
the United Press, Wilson states what is basically his attitude towards the entire
conference: "A statement that I once made that this should be a peace without victory
holds more strongly today than ever. The peace that we make must be one in which justice
alone is the determining factor."
Wilson demonstrates the visionary approach with which he viewed the Peace Conference
precisely in this remark. 
President Wilson's presence at the conference has been debated from many angles. It was
possible, was he not present at the conference, that the Allies would insist on a
resolution rooted in force and vengeance between the European countries. Wilson felt that
this method would be ineffective in the long run. He believed that only on a peace
reached through justice could a stable society be rebuilt.
Wilson personally felt that the best way to attain a genuine peace among all countries
would be to create a bond of nations that had entered into an agreement to prevent the
reoccurrence of such a Great War, although he recognized the likeliness of opposition to
his plan. He predicted correctly that there would be a demand for immediate peace terms
and a postponement on an association of nations. Because Wilson felt so strongly that his
plan was the most sensible and definite way in which to proceed with the Peace
Conferences, he felt obligated to be present in Paris. This enabled him to defend his
views and thus protect what he felt was in the best interest of the United States. It has
been argued that this was not a wise choice for the President. Many say that had he
remained in Washington and carried on negotiations through his Commissioners, he would
have retained his place as superior and powerful. This would have allowed him to dictate
the terms of the treaty as he wished. The fact that he attended the conference resulted
in the loss 
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of the position of power that he held. This forced Wilson to submit to the wills of the
European countries, many of which harbored feelings of hostility towards the conquered
countries. While it seems apparent that the most beneficial move the President could have
taken was to remain in the United States, his idealistic belief in the promise of the
bond of nations led him to disregard advice and sail to France to secure the Treaty of
Versailles.
Wilson had extremely specific goals in mind when he departed for France. The 14 Points,
which he had written the previous year, were what Wilson referred to as "principles upon
which to build peace." These points included open covenants and agreements, freedom of
the seas, removal of economic barriers, reduction of resistance by all Powers, and
evacuation of occupied territory. Also included in these goals were colonial claims
readjustments, self- determination of nationalities, redrawing of European boundaries
along national lines, and lastly, several goals stating what was to happen to each
country as far as it's boundaries, frontiers and occupation by other countries
. Wilson's most important goal was, however, his idea for a League of Nations. He felt
that the existence of such a group would be the source of world peace for all time to
come. This League was to be an organization in which it would be possible for countries
to get together and talk amongst themselves, ideally with the ability to prevent their
differences from escalating into war. Wilson felt that this would be more productive than
the idea of balance of power, in that it would be a more organized forum for everyone to
express their opinions and have equal opportunity to do so. Each country that had a
grievance towards another would submit the dispute to arbitration and would be required
to respect the decision reached. Should they not 
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do so, the other countries would take economic or military measure to enforce order.
Wilson felt that the only way to ensure even the possibility of world peace was to
interweave the ideals of his 14 Points with the concept for a League of Nations. ""I want
to save the whole world from repetitions of such disasters as the world has experienced
during the last four years. I know that you men are going the wrong way about it, and I
know that I am right, because I know human nature and the processes of war."
Wilson faced much opposition to his plan. Two such instances include France, under
Clemenceau, ordering the Germans to pay for the damage they had caused during the war.
Also, Britain was opposed to the freedom of the seas, as they had fought so valiantly
against Germany to be in command, and thus wished to eliminate that from the 14 Points.
And yet, so firmly did Wilson stand behind his belief in the League that his desire to
see it realized began to take over the Conference.
Various interests were at stake throughout the duration of the peace proceedings. When
the question arose of what Germany would pay for war damages, concession was necessary.
While France and England proposed to demand Germany pay the total expenses incurred
during the war, Wilson was forced to take into consideration the outcome of such a
charge. Where else but through German export could Germany produce enough money to pay
for total damages? Wilson recognized that this would only further conflict with the
Allies own economic interests. In an effort to appease both France and England, however,
the treaty required that Germany surrender much of its merchant marine, make coal
deliveries, and give up all property privately owned by German citizens abroad. In
addition, the "war guilt" clause was written into the treaty, forcing Germany to formally
accept responsibility for the war. Wilson also put what he felt to be the best interest
of the United States at heart 
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when he made concessions to Lloyd George, Clemenceau, Orlando, and the Japanese. With
these compromises in place, it was agreed that the League of Nations would be included in
the treaty. Wilson in exchange conceded to modify his 14 Points from the original ideals
that they maintained. 
Wilson, representing the United States, pushed hard for his League Covenant. This was a
modified version of his original League of Nations, and had been revised by the League of
Nations Commission, which Wilson himself headed. These modifications discussed religious
equality, minority rights, the mandate system, and the organization of a League of
Nations to monitor these and other aspects of the covenant. Wilson presented this to a
plenary session of the conference. His idea was not greeted with the reception he had
expected, however, and many were opposed to the covenant as part of the treaty. Wilson
found the same feeling in the United States, and received a letter signed by 1/3 of the
senators, saying that they would not approve the treaty as it was. To this Wilson
responded: "When the treaty comes back... will find the Covenant not only in it, but so
many threads of the treaty tied to the Covenant that you cannot dissect the Covenant from
the treaty without destroying the whole vital structure."
While this occurred at home, back overseas a new situation had arisen. With Colonel House
acting in Wilson's place, the American delegates had split on the issue of how to treat
Germany. Delegates Lansing, Bliss, and White maintained Wilson's original view that
Germany ought to be reintegrated into Europe in peace. House, however, took a more
punitive approach and favored compromise with the British and French. This 
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serves to illustrate the lack of communication that took place between President Wilson
and his delegates. Messages were garbled, orders were never specifically set, and too
much was open to individual interpretation.
This resulted in many problems arising due to simple lack of understanding. Similar
problems arose when Colonel House began to agree with the other Allies that a peace
settlement was necessary first, and that it would be possible to separate the League
Covenant from the peace treaty. This was a dramatic split from the view maintained by
Wilson. Because Wilson was in the United States when these proposals were initially
discussed, he found himself faced with issues that substantially altered his program.
Wilson reacted to this by issuing a statement on March 15 which said that he would not
approve the separation of the League of Nations from the peace treaty and he made it
absolutely clear to the Allied leaders that he would not consent to a treaty on House's
terms.
March 1919 turned out to be the most difficult month of the conference for Wilson, whose
power was at its weakest. He faced great opposition from every side, and was regarded by
the other Great Power leaders as being egotistic. Clemenceau, of France, stated the
following: "Wilson thought himself another Jesus Christ come upon the earth to reform
men.
As Wilson neared desperation, the deadlock that had been intact began to break. He
conceded to compensations for France, and was persuaded to include pensions in
reparations after receiving a letter that described that England would not receive its
fair 
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share in comparison to the other countries. While it seems simple enough that Wilson
should have become more agreeable, many attribute the sudden change to the viral
infection that he had come down with. This illness resulted in severe changes in his mind
and on both America's policy and position. These changes eventually reduced the
possibility that the peace treaty would bring into effect entirely new international
relations.
Wilson continued to emphasize the sacrifice of immediate self-interest for the good of
the world. He spoke to the Italian people directly on April 23 after an unresolved
conflict with Orlando left him to appeal to the public over the heads of their leaders.
He spoke of the need to sacrifice self-interest now to "the right of the world to peace
and to such settlements of interest as shall make peace secure."
His appeal was refused and demonstrated the lack of truth behind his belief that he
represented the silent belief of the people. The issue was never resolved, and it is
believed that Wilson's illness accounted for a good deal of his actions at this time. 
In an entirely different manner, Wilson dealt with the demands of the Japanese. They
wanted both racial equality and confirmation of their economic interests, although in the
end they consented to solely the confirmation of interests. In a total turnaround from
his policy during the incident with Italy, Wilson seemed to support the Japanese desire
for self- determination. He used the same plea for both countries, however, by trying to
appeal directly to the conscience of the people. He stated that the world would 
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never achieve peace if nations were always thinking more of their rights than of their
duties.
Once an agreement had been reached as to the demands of the Japanese, the major issues of
the negotiations were settled. On May 7, the Germans received their first look at the
treaty. More disagreements arose from the possibility that the Germans would not sign and
the question of what the Allies would do in response. Fortunately, this question answered
itself, when the German government fell and was replaced by one that would cooperate. On
June 27th, German representatives arrived at Versailles' Hall of Mirrors to sign the
treaty. The crowds gathered outside the palace were so euphoric at the idea of peace that
few stopped to consider the ability of the treaty to endure, or the effects that its
existence would produce.
Although aspects of the Treaty of Versailles were positive, the treaty as a whole was a
failure. Many factors contributed to the overall regard of the treaty as such. After
years of war, each country felt it was entitled to great compensation, and thus Wilson's
vision that each country should sacrifice its own desires for the good of the whole was
never realized. His faith in the common man was shattered when his direct appeals
resulted in backlash and no positive results. Every country demonstrated extreme national
self-interest, and this led to severe differences of opinion at the Conference, and
concurrently, in the provisions of the treaty itself.
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Uncertainty of purpose undoubtedly contributed to the failure of the Treaty of
Versailles. Wilson's vague description of his 14 Points terminology to his American 
representatives resulted in unclear principles. With the goals of the Conference so
unclear, it is no surprise that they were never attained. How, after all, can one strive
for a goal that he is unclear on? "Democracy", "Viability", and "Self- Determination"
were tossed about with such casualty that a suspicion arose as to the lack of principle
that Wilson maintained. This dealt a lasting blow to Wilson's regard, from which he never
entirely recovered. 
Wilson never made pretenses as to his desire for a League of Nations. He wanted one, very
badly, and he allowed all other countries to know it. With this as a key bargaining tool,
European countries used it to their full advantage. They would agree to include the
League of Nations in the treaty if Wilson would understand and support the individual
problems that each country faced. With several countries using this against him, it was
impossible for Wilson to truly back each of their beliefs, as, more often than not, they
conflicted with each other.
Several other factors contributed to the failure of the Conference. Wilson did
irreversible damage to the outcome of the treaty by his insistence on excessive time
being spent on the League of Nations concept. This loss of time caused delays in the
proceedings and prevented a swift restoration of peace. Wilson's demand that a complete
and detailed plan for the League, as well as for the Covenant, be drawn up in Paris left
no possibility for a preliminary treaty to be signed. His own perseverance of the League
of Nations eventually led to the inability of the League to be of any effectiveness.
Wilson 
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had, in a sense, murdered his own plan, and had thus also ridded the Conference of any
ability to prevent a Second World War.
The Treaty of Versailles was, inarguably, not a success for the United States. We had won
the war, certainly, but would not ratify the treaty that we ourselves had contributed to
making. Wilson's ultimate goal, it has been said, was to get the treaty ratified, and in
this he failed. He instead gave orders to have the treaty killed in the Senate, and that
was where it died.
The treaty was filled with American doubt from the start, and this led the Senate to
simply repudiate Wilson's work. While World War One was, in itself, a success for
democracy and thus for the United States, the Conference that ensued was clearly a
failure from the start.